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With this entry, we endВ GT2030.comвЂ™sВ series of essays entitledВ вЂњPopulation Aging to 2030вЂќ. Two aspects of research and debate over population aging set it apart from all other topics discussed inВ Global Trends 2030.В First, demographic projections using standardized methods are freely available. So,В demographers can already describe much of the next two decadesвЂ™ demographic conditions in some detail and with reasonable accuracy.В Second, forВ the roughly two dozen states that will reach вЂњa post-mature age structureвЂќ (median age over 45.0) before 2030, no historic parallels exist. In other words, for todayвЂ™s rapidly aging states, researchers have a reasonably accurate demographic picture of 2030. In terms of their future political and economic function, researchers are left to investigate, simulate, hypothesize and, where the future is unfolding, test. History provides no lessons.
While one can take away You display simplicity and humility, which makes you a more genuine and accessible person than what your sagittarius horoscope Ascendant, with its Mister-Know-It-All outward appearance, might suggest. a variety of images of the future from the 11 essays presented in вЂњPopulation Aging to 2030вЂі, a single message cuts through them all: even discounting the myriad political, social, environmental and economic issues that are restructuring human society, demographic changeвЂ“by itselfвЂ“is sufficient to make the world of 2030 a distinctly different world than the one in which we live today.
The five В themes that were posted were:
- Global population aging to 2030В (2 essays);
- A demographic and geographic overviewВ (R. Cincotta);
- A global overview casino of aging-related security issuesВ (J. Goldstone).
- ChinaвЂ™s aging trendВ (2 essays);
- On the implications of ChinaвЂ™s aging trajectoryВ (R. Jackson);
- On the runtime of ChinaвЂ™s riseВ (J.D. Sciubba).
- Advanced aging in EuropeВ (3 essays);
- В On the economic dynamics of aging in European welfare statesВ (R. LeeВ &В A. Mason);
- On implications of European population aging on NATOВ (M. Haas);
- On the staying power of EuropeвЂ™s aging liberal regimesВ (R. Cincotta).
- Advanced aging in Japan and S. KoreaВ (2 essays);
- On agingвЂ™s influence on JapanвЂ™s defense readiness and postureВ (T. Yoshihara);
- On demographic considerations around reunification on the Korean PeninsulaВ (E.H. Stephen).
- Immigration and ethnic change in aging EuropeВ (2 essays);
- An verview of immigration to Europe and its impacts on ethnic compositionВ (D.A. Coleman);В
- A view of the EU ethnic future and its implicationsВ (E. Kaufmann).
Richard Cincotta & Jonathan Potton
The Stimson Center, Washington, DC
[Population Aging to 2030, Day 4, Essay 1 of 2]
Unprecedented demographic decline promises to lead Tokyo into uncharted economic, social, environmental, and diplomatic territory in the coming decades. Owing to low fertility, high life expectancy, and trifling immigration, Japan will be significantly older and smaller in 2030 than it is today. The population will decline from 128 million in 2010 to 116 million twenty years hence, averaging a loss of over 660,000 Japanese citizens per year. During this same period, Japan’s working age population (ages 15-64) will shrink by 17 percent from 81 million to 67 million. The median age of the population will rise from 45 to 50 while about a third of the population will be over 65 years old by 2030.
The diminishing work force will almost certainly limit the prospects for robust economic growth. A graying society, meanwhile, will impose potentially overwhelming financial burdens on the polity to care for the elderly. Beyond the socioeconomic challenges, depopulation and aging will also have worrisome implications for Japan’s national security. As the population ages and shrinks at accelerating rates, Tokyo will be increasingly hard pressed to fulfill basic military obligations ranging from homeland defense to the discharge of international responsibilities. Indeed, a sharp mismatch between its strategic posture and resources looms.
For the past decade, successive administrations have deployed ground, air, and naval forces far beyond Japan’s own neighborhood to conduct “international peace cooperation operations,” a vague umbrella term that includes humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and reconstruction activities. At the same time, pressures closer to home, including China’s rise and North Korea’s unpredictability, continue to consume policy attention. Yet, Japan’s proliferating security challenges are already bumping up against a manpower ceiling, potentially stifling its quiet ambitions.
The figures are sobering. The male population eligible to join Japan’s Self-Defense Forces (aged 18 to 26) peaked at nine million in 1994. In just over fifteen years, this age group recorded an astounding 30 percent drop, plummeting to around six million. By 2030, eligible males will fall to less than five million. By contrast, the United States will casino online post a 16 percent increase for the same cohort between 2010 and 2030.
Manpower constraints are already having a telling effect on force structure. Faced with new missions even as personnel levels remained fixed, Japan’s maritime service was compelled to siphon servicemen from frontline and support units to fulfill additional duties. Consequently, crews on some ships became shorthanded by as much as 30 percent. This in turn forced the transfer of sailors from warships decommissioned well ahead of schedule to replenish undermanned vessels in the fleet.
Recent defense policy documents have held out hope that technology will substitute for people, potentially easing personnel shortages. But most military operations—ranging from high-end conventional wars to post-conflict reconstruction—soak up manpower. Gee-whiz technologies, such as unmanned systems, only go so far. War fighters in the field and support crews in the rear must still do much of the heavy lifting.
Japan’s response to the March 2011 tsunami disaster was the starkest reminder of this reality: Tokyo called up over 100,000 military personnel—about 40 percent of the active duty force—for relief operations, the largest deployment of troops in Japan’s postwar history. In short, boots on the ground still count for much in peacetime as casino in war.
Unless Japan is prepared for a major military buildup, which appears politically doubtful and fiscally unsustainable, the country’s shrinking pool of manpower will weigh heavily on Japanese decision makers. Tokyo’s bold claim that it will actively promote international peace and security while bolstering its independent capacity to defend itself strains credulity.
Several implications are discernible from the projected population trends. First, Japan cannot do it all. Japanese leaders must set clearer priorities—in effect establishing a hierarchy among traditional war-fighting tasks and the nontraditional tasks Tokyo anticipates. They must also consider the strategic, operational, and force-structure trade-offs of any priorities they choose to set. Do, say, humanitarian missions outweigh sea-lane defense? Perhaps a starker choice awaits Tokyo. Japan may have to favor manpower-intensive conventional operations that match China’s growing military prowess in East Asia while foregoing international peacekeeping missions.
Second, Japan will likely rely even more on the United States for its security. In the worst case scenario, overdependence on Washington could tempt Japanese policymakers to hand off ever more defense responsibilities to the U.S. military, hollowing out the Self-Defense Forces. The corollary is that the depopulating nation may become less willing and able than it has been for the past six decades to help the United States defend the liberal international order. The larger question for Washington, then, is how it can adjust to an emerging security paradigm in which a key strategic anchor in Asia recedes from the world scene.
Finally, an analytical caveat is warranted. Strategic axioms that have long guided Japanese security strategy, such as the informal cap on the defense budget, could undergo radical change in times of severe duress. A violent or peaceful unification of the Korean Peninsula that produced a state hostile to Tokyo or a Sino-Japanese naval war over disputed maritime claims could trigger a fundamental reassessment and reorientation. While population decline will clearly limit the range of Japanese policy options, there is nothing fated about Japan’s self-imposed restraints. The role of contingency in international politics will thus remain an ever active ingredient to Japanese strategic choices.
Nevertheless, the population crisis for Japan is undoubtedly approaching, and this crunch will be accompanied by unprecedented pressures and demands. The anguishing decisions to mitigate the strategic consequences of aging are already evident today and will only become more difficult to make as the strategy-resource mismatches worsen in the coming years. It thus behooves policymakers to devote their attention to this looming problem sooner rather than later and, more importantly, before it becomes unmanageable.
[Population Aging to 2030, Day 4, Essay 2 of 2]
Over the past 60 years North and South Korea have been following distinct paths in terms of political, economic, and social structures; putting the two countries back together is challenging in lieu of what could be a daunting reality. There are so many unknown circumstances that will affect the reunification, including the potential for violence, conflict, and humanitarian suffering that are impossible to comprehend.
For the purposes of this blog, let us assume a soft reunification that is reached through diplomatic means in 2015. What would the Korean peninsula look like demographically by 2030? This is a projection simulation and is not meant to be proscriptive, but rather is an illustration of what might be, using three sets of fertility assumptions.
In order to project the 2030 population it is critical to first look at recent data, which are abundant and of excellent quality in South Korea (also referred to here as the Republic of Korea or ROK). North Korea (also referred to here as the Democratic Republic of Korea or DPRK), in conjunction with the United Nations, conducted a census most recently in 2008, and prior to that in 1993.
While North Korea became a slightly older country in the 15 years between 1993 and 2008, South Korea became a much older country as a result of sustained low fertility levels. In 1993, 5.4 percent of the population was aged 65 and over in North Korea and 5.5 percent in South Korea; by 2008 the elderly comprised 8.7 percent in North Korea and 10.3 percent in South Korea. The median age of North Korea in 2008 was 30.1 for males and 33.7 years for females as compared to South Korea: 35.3 years (males) and 37.4 years (females)inflatable tiger toys.
Unfortunately historical data on fertility in North Korea are very limited because no published data were available prior to the 1993 census. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR), or the births per woman, is used here as the measure of fertility. Eberstadt reconstructed data from the North Korean Central Statistics Bureau to estimate and project the Total Fertility Rates from 1960 to 2010. The historical trends in the TFR from 1970-2008 are shown in Figure 1 for both countries. The DPRK trend is based on Eberstadt’s data through mobile casino 1992 and utilizes US Census Bureau estimates and projections based on the 1993 census up through 2007, with the TFR for 2008 is based on the 2008 Census. Both countries had high fertility years online casino canada in the early 1970s. The rapid fertility declines in the 1970s in the DPRK were followed by more gradual declines in the 1980s and 1990s, reaching replacement level fertility in 1996 and remaining fairly steady through to 2008.
Figure 1. Total Fertility Rates of the DPRK and ROK, 1970-2008
The TFR in the Republic of Korea was 4.53 in 1970, more than two children fewer than the DPRK, but by the mid-1970s the two countries had similar fertility levels. Since 1983 the Republic of Korea has experienced below replacement fertility, which was a 54 percent decline in fertility between 1970 and 1983. In the next 20 years, the Total Fertility Rate dropped from 2.08 children per woman in 1983 to 1.19 in 2003, and has remained steady at 1.2 ever since 2003.
In order to determine population projections of a unified Korea from 2015 through 2030, data are utilized from Korean Statistical Information Service (for the current ROK) and projections for the DPRK prepared by the author. The projections utilize a high, medium, and low simulation. For the purpose of this simulation 2015 is used as the reunification year in order to see what reunification would look like 15 years hence. The first assumption is that there would be a fertility shock in (the former) North Korea that would casino pa natet lower fertility from the 2008 value of 2.01 to 1.58 children per woman for the 2015-19 projection period; this assumption is based on the fertility shock experienced by the DPRK during the famine of the 1990s and in East Germany following reunification. Values used for North Korean TFRs for the 2030-35 projection period are 1.70 (high); 1.45 (medium); 1.30 (low).
The total population of a unified Korea can be expected to range from 76 to 84 million people by 2030; North Korea currently has about 24.5 million people and South Korea 50 million. Because the population who will be aged 65 and over in 2030 are all already born, there is little variation in the expected elderly population (about 21 percent of the total population) for the three scenarios as seen in Figure 2. The 0-14 age group varies from 12 percent (low), 14 (medium) and 15 (high) and thus the 15-64 age group mirrors those changes with 67 percent (low), 65 percent (medium), and 64 percent (high).
Figure 2. Population projections for a unified Korea: 2030 (in thousands).
This analysis has shown that a reunification will not change the age restructuring that is already underway in South Korea, and to a slighter extent in North Korea. When the projection series are continued out until 2050 approximately a third of the population will be elderly, with a decline in the number of children aged 0-14 to as low as 9 percent. Although fertility is normally the primary driver in determining the age distribution of a population, mortality and migration may play a major role in reunified Korea. Mortality will depend in large part on the ability to bring medical facilities and professionals in the North up to the standards of the South, and to confirm an equitable food distribution system. Migration will be a critical determinant in overall population and distribution within a reunified country. If there are massive population shifts within the country, there is a potential for high unemployment rates around city centers where migrants would be most likely to congregate.
Reunification will not happen in a vacuum; powerful nation states with interests in the Korean Peninsula will not be standing by idly. These same actors will have direct and indirect effects on population dynamics.
Elizabeth Hervey Stephen is an Associate Professor of Demography at Georgetown University.
[Population Aging to 2030, Day 2, Essay 1 of 2]
China stands on the threshold of a stunning demographic transformation with profound implications for its future prosperity and stability. For the past three decades, China’s unusually favorable demographics, with a rapidly declining dependency burden and a rapidly rising share of the population in the working years, have helped to propel its spectacular rise in living standards. Beginning around 2015, however, the demographic climate will change abruptly. The elderly share of the population, now just 8 percent, will double to 16 percent by 2030, and then triple to 24 percent by 2050—making China an older country than the United States. Along the way, China’s working-age population will also peak and begin to decline.
The most direct and certain impact of the demographic transformation will be a growing old-age dependency burden. As China ages, a rising share of total economic resources will have to be transferred from working-age adults to nonworking elders. In 2010, there were 7.8 Chinese working-age adults available to support each elder. That ratio is due to fall to 3.8 by 2030 and to 2.4 by 2050, which means that the average burden that must be shouldered by each worker will more than triple. Much of this burden falls on families today. But in a rapidly aging and developing China, a larger share is bound to show up in public budgets and higher tax rates.
Figure 1. Proportion of seniors in China and the US, 1950 to 2050.
Even as the old-age dependency burden grows, economic growth will slow. Over the three decades of the reform era, China’s working-age population has expanded at 2.0 percent per year. By the 2030s, it will be contracting by 0.7 percent per year. Contrary to common wisdom, the scope for internal migration to offset slower growth in the working-age population is But the outdoor learning like any other field of study is not the responsibility of the boarding schools alone. limited. Until recently, China was able to boost GDP growth by shifting millions of underemployed workers each year from the non-market rural sector into full-time, low-skilled manufacturing jobs that are integrated with the global economy. But as China’s industries move up the global value-added scale, a serious mismatch is emerging between the skills of its remaining surplus rural labor and the demands of the jobs being created in the growth sectors of its economy.
Slower economic growth in turn has the potential to trigger social and political crisis. The incredible speed of China’s development is already straining the economic and social fabric. Urbanization is weakening the extended family while industrialization is degrading the environment. Worker mobility and turnover are rising and the income gap between the rich and poor is widening. Social services are spotty and civic authority is strained. Such stresses, bearable in a youthful society in which incomes are rising rapidly, may become less tolerable in an aging society in which economic growth is slowing.
Figure 2. Average Annual Change in Chinese Working-Age Population Size, by Decade
The rapid aging of China’s population could act as a multiplier on the stresses of rapid modernization. While today’s developed countries became affluent societies before they became aging societies, China’s age wave will be arriving in a society that is still in the midst of development—and that has not yet had time to put in place the social protections of a modern welfare state. Less than one-third of China’s workforce is now earning a formal retirement benefit of any kind, public or private. Despite China’s lofty national best online casino savings rate, only a small minority of workers online casino’s are accumulating sufficient financial assets to support themselves in retirement. The majority may have to fall back on the most traditional form of old-age insurance: children. But many will have only one child, and among these many will not have a son, who in Confucian culture bears the responsibility of caring for aged parents. Imagine, in China’s cities, tens of millions of today’s midlife adults maturing by the year 2020 or 2030 into tens of millions of indigent elders who lack pensions, lack access to health care, and lack adequate family support. Or imagine, in China’s countryside, entire towns of demographically stranded elders. Meanwhile, China’s yawning gender imbalance and the enormous bachelor surplus to which it is giving rise will threaten to become another source of social unrest Inflatable Water Game.
China has been “peacefully rising” while its demographics have leaned with economic growth. But by the 2020s, when China’s age wave arrives in full force, demographic trends may be weakening the twin pillars of the current regime’s legitimacy—rapidly rising living standards and social stability. It is hard to gauge how great the risk of social and political crisis is, but the Chinese government, with its new mantra of “balanced development” and its increasing alarm about the dangers of the rural-urban income gap, the shredded social safety net, and environmental degradation, appears to be taking it seriously. Throughout China’s long history, periods of strong central authority and empire building have alternated with periods of social and political chaos. China’s premature aging may usher in the next turn of the cycle—or, as the regime attempts to avert this outcome, a new authoritarian clampdown.
As it happens, the 2020s is also the decade in which China is expected to displace the United States as the world’s largest economy. “Power transition” theories of global conflict suggest that this moment could be fraught with danger. The fact that it coincides with the arrival of China’s potentially destabilizing age wave may make it even more perilous.
Richard Jackson is a senior fellow at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, where he directs the Global Aging Initiative.